Serbia is currently experiencing one of the most extensive waves of protests in its recent history. These ongoing demonstrations are directed against the regime of Aleksandar Vučić, his ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SPP), and the broader elite that supports the rule.

The rule of Vucic: Kakistocracy

Aleksandar Vučić has a controversial political background, having been a prominent figure in the Serbian Radical Party (SRP), which was founded in 1991. The SRP was a political party rooted in nationalism, chauvinism, and illiberalism, following the breakup of Yugoslavia. In 2008, a new political party emerged in Serbia, composed largely of former SRP members. Seeking support from the European Union, this new party presented itself as a more moderate and reformed alternative to the SRP, even though it was not far away from the SRP’s foundations. Vučić was among its founders, together with Tomislav Nikolić. Their strategy proved effective: the party won the 2012 elections and has remained in power ever since.

Despite this rebranding, the rule of Vučić and the Serbian Progressive Party (SPP) can be described as a kakistocracy. “Kakistocracy” is a term derived from ancient Greek, meaning “government by the worst.” It refers to a system ruled by the least qualified or most unscrupulous individuals, including criminals, violent offenders, and other morally corrupt figures.. The ruling elite is deeply entangled with scandals involving corruption, abuse of power, nepotism, sexism, and the continued presence of nationalism, chauvinism, and illiberal tendencies. Moreover, a symbiotic relationship exists between political power and major media outlets: the media serves to legitimise the government, while the government, in turn, provides it with financial and political support.

Ray of hope: Students’ protests

On November 1, 2024, a canopy at the train station in Novi Sad, Serbia, collapsed, killing 16 people. Although the Serbian president and government claimed that the canopies had not been included in the station’s reconstruction between 2021 and mid-2024, this was false, as the canopies had indeed been renovated during that period. 

Furthermore, the criminal justice system’s response was slow, creating an opportunity for the evidence to be covered up, allowing various political interpretations of the incident. This delay helped spark large-scale protests, which now carry the potential to drive significant social change in Serbia.

Here is a short time frame of the protests and important activities:

• November 2024: Students begin occupying university faculties (starting at the Faculty of Dramatic Arts), sparking blockades in cities like Belgrade and Novi Sad; 
• December 2024: Widespread student blockades continue at universities and high schools. On December 22, a major student protest occurred involving 100.000 people;
• January 2025: On January 24, a nationwide general strike by the students, teachers, workers, and farmers was held with around 55.000 people in Belgrade alone. At the same time, the Prime Minister, Milos Vučević, and the mayor of Novi Sad stepped down. 
• February 2025: In February, major protests and blockades took place. A group of students occupied the Belgrade Cultural Center, while the pressure on protesters was increased through police raids.
• March 2025: On March 1, a mass protest was organized in Nish, on March 10/11, the protests blocked the Radio Television Serbia, while a historic rally took place in Belgrade, with around 300,000 protestors. In response, the regime used sonic weapons against the protestors. 
• April 2025: At the beginning of April, students embarked on a cycling relay from Novi Sad to Strasbourg to appeal to EU leaders. At the same time, the regime introduced punitive measures, such as salary cuts, arrests, and physical attacks. 
• May 2025; Students called for parliamentary elections, while the protests continued in 32 cities.
• June – July 2025: On June 28, the protests gained a violent momentum, leading to clashes with the police, resulting in 77 arrests. In early July, the student movement remains strong, continuing with protests and calls for early elections.

Serbian people are persistent in their determination to speak out, demand change in the current political leadership, and set a precedent for future politicians: kakistocratic rule will face resistance. 

Moreover, Serbians are renowned for their courage and freedom-loving spirit, deeply rooted in their 20th-century history. Having liberated themselves from Ottoman and two Austro-German occupations, they are equally capable of confronting domestic tyrants.

Pump for change: turning the impossible into the inevitable 

The official motto of the protests is “pump it”, which almost perfectly describes their willingness and capacity for change. Still, social change stands for a set of complex social processes and involves various changes in the political institutions, public policies, and ruling political elites. The change is a multifaceted process that involves changing the hearts and minds of people, pressuring political elites, lobbying, political action, and other processes.

The conceptual model of the Overton Window of political possibilities introduces the idea that in a more or less democratic context, political elites are limited in their range of policies by public opinion, or by which ideas are popular among the masses. However, it usually needs an outside factor to catalyse the process and make the masses push for change. It is called a crisis. 

A crisis can be the right moment to introduce change, but it is not enough unless it is accompanied by a shift in the climate of public opinion. Serbia is facing that kind of crisis, which is a crucial opportunity for change. As Milton Friedman put it simply but most succintly:

“When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. That, I believe, is our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable.”

That practically means that in times of crisis, the actions we take depend on the dominant ideas in public opinion. The background logic is that leaders (or cadres or second-hand dealers) create and keep alternative ideas alive until they become possible in the wider context. Crises expose weaknesses in current systems, leaving space for new solutions. 

Serbia’s protests demonstrate how people pushing for justice can bring ideas promoting a free, peaceful, and prosperous society. The job of leaders is to develop these alternative ideas and make sure they’re widely adopted in public opinion. This approach turns crises from chaos into an opportunity for real progress, revealing that change starts with ideas. Let’s hope that the culmination of the situation in Serbia will bring pro-freedom political elites to power and will encourage people to safeguard against the emergence of kakistocracies.